2008 Mumbai attacks

The 2008 Mumbai attacks, also referred to as the 26/11 attacks, were a series of 12 coordinated Islamist terrorist attacks that took place from November 26 to 29 and were carried out by 10 members of Lashkar-e-Taiba, a Pakistan-based Islamist militant organization. A total of 175 people died, including nine of the attackers, with more than 300 injured.

Eight of the attacks occurred in South Mumbai at Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Terminus, the Oberoi Trident, the Taj Mahal Palace and Tower hotel, the Leopold Cafe, the Cama Hospital, the Nariman House, the Metro Cinema, and in a lane behind the Times of India building and St. Xavier's College. In addition to the mass shootings, an explosion occurred at Mazagaon, in Mumbai's port area, and in a taxi at Vile Parle. By the early morning of 28 November, all sites except for the Taj Hotel had been secured by the Mumbai Police and security forces. On 29 November, India's National Security Guards conducted Operation Black Tornado to flush out the remaining terrorists; it culminated in the death of the last remaining terrorists at the Taj Hotel and ended the attacks.

Before his execution in 2012, Ajmal Kasab, the sole surviving attacker, who was captured by Mumbai Police, stated and confessed that the terrorists were members of the Lashkar-e-Taiba, and were controlled from Pakistan, corroborating initial claims from the Indian Government. Initially denying the claims, Pakistan later confirmed that the sole surviving perpetrator of the attacks was a Pakistani citizen. The subsequent capture and interrogation of David Headley, a Pakistani-American DEA informer, and Tahawwur Rana, a Canadian citizen of Pakistani origin and a former Pakistan Army Captain, who was Headley's partner, pointed to the involvement of rogue officials of Pakistan Army and ISI in the terrorist attacks, who provided support to the Lashkar-e-Taiba. Furthermore, Headley was also accused of traveling to Denmark to scout the offices of Danish newspaper Jyllands-Posten, which had published cartoons of Muhammad, and a nearby synagogue. The capture of Zabiuddin Ansari aka Abu Hamza in July 2012, an Indian national radicalized by Lashkar-e-Taiba, provided further clarity to the plot.

On 9 April 2015, the foremost ringleader of the attacks, Zakiur Rehman Lakhvi, was released on bail and disappeared; he was arrested again in Lahore on 2 January 2021. In 2018, former Pakistani prime minister Nawaz Sharif questioned the Pakistani government's allowance of those who committed the attacks to cross into India. In 2022, one of the masterminds of the attack, Sajid Majeed Mir —who had earlier been claimed to be dead by the Pakistan Government— was convicted for funding terrorist activities by an anti-terrorism court in Pakistan. Consequently, several masterminds such as LeT founder Hafiz Saeed and Zakiur Rehman Lakhvi, were convicted for terror financing in 2021-22, as Pakistan went into an economic crisis after the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) threatened the Government of Pakistan to be put in the FATF Blacklist for failure to comply on money laundering and financing of terrorism.

As of September 2025, it is one of the deadliest terrorist attacks that took place in Mumbai, as well as across India. Although the casualties were lower when compared to the 2006 Mumbai train bombings, which was also planned by the Lashkar-e-Taiba and that killed 209 and injured more than 700, the 10 terrorists inflicted massive property damage worth over $1 billion by fire, grenade attacks, and gunfire. The attacks strained diplomatic relations between India and Pakistan, and made a huge impact on law enforcement and security officials to deal with such scenarios in the future. The attacks also caused a major political impact on the then ruling government led by the United Progressive Alliance, as the same year, several other cities suffered from Islamic terrorism, which were also perpetrated by Pakistani terror groups.

Background-                                                                                                                                                Many terrorist attacks had occurred in Mumbai since the 13 coordinated bomb explosions that killed 257 people on 12 March 1993. The 1993 attacks were carried out as revenge for the earlier Bombay riots, in which many Muslims were killed.

On 6 December 2002, a blast in a BEST bus near Ghatkopar station killed two people and injured 28. The bombing occurred on the 10th anniversary of the demolition of the Babri Mosque in Ayodhya. A bicycle bomb exploded near the Vile Parle station in Mumbai, killing one person and injuring 25 on 27 January 2003, a day before the visit of the Prime Minister of India Atal Bihari Vajpayee to the city. On 13 March 2003, a day after the 10th anniversary of the 1993 Bombay bombings, a bomb exploded in a train compartment near the Mulund station, killing 10 people and injuring 70. On 28 July 2003, a blast in a BEST bus in Ghatkopar killed 4 people and injured 32. On 25 August 2003, two bombs exploded in South Mumbai, one near the Gateway of India and the other at Zaveri Bazaar in Kalbadevi. At least 44 people were killed and 150 injured. On 11 July 2006, seven bombs exploded within 11 minutes on the Suburban Railway in Mumbai, killing 209 people, including 22 foreigners and more than 700 injured. According to the Mumbai Police, the bombings were carried out by Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT) and Students Islamic Movement of India (SIMI).

Training-                                                                                                                                                        A group of men said to number between 24 and 26 received training in marine warfare at a remote camp in mountainous Muzaffarabad in Pakistan.[why?] Part of the training was said to have taken place on the Mangla Dam reservoir in Pakistan.

The recruits went through extensive training:-Psychological: Indoctrination to Islamist jihadi ideas, including imagery of atrocities suffered by Muslims in India and globally.                                              Basic combat: Lashkar's basic combat training and methodology course, the Daura Aam

Advanced training: Selected to undergo advanced combat training at a camp near Mansehra, a course the organisation calls the Daura Khaas. According to an unnamed source at the U.S. Defense Department, this includes advanced weapons and explosives training supervised by former members of the Pakistan Army, along with survival training and further indoctrination.

Commando training: Finally, an even smaller group was selected for specialized commando tactics training, and marine navigation training was given to the Fedayeen unit that was selected, to target Mumbai.

From the recruits, 10 were handpicked for the Mumbai mission. They also received training in swimming and sailing, besides the use of high-end weapons and explosives under the supervision of LeT commanders. According to a media report citing an unnamed former Department of Defense official of the US, the intelligence agencies of the US had determined[when?] that former officers from Pakistan's Army and Inter-Services Intelligence agency assisted actively and continuously in training. They were given blueprints of all the four targets – The Taj Mahal Palace Hotel, Oberoi Trident, Nariman House, and Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Terminus.

Attacks-                                                                                                                                                      For a chronological guide, see Timeline of the 2008 Mumbai attacks.                                                    The terrorists first hijacked an Indian fishing boat and killed five people on board. The first events were detailed around 20:00 Indian Standard Time (IST) on 26 November, when 10 men in inflatable speedboats came ashore at two locations in Colaba. They reportedly told local Marathi-speaking fishermen who asked them who they were to "mind their own business" before they split up and went in two different ways. The fishermen's' subsequent report to the police department received little response and local police failed to act.

Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Terminus. Bullet holes on the wall at the CSMT                                            The Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Terminus (CSMT) was attacked by two gunmen, Ismail Khan and Ajmal Kasab. Kasab was later caught alive by the police and identified by eyewitnesses. The attacks began around 21:30, when the two men entered the passenger hall and opened fire with AK-47 assault rifles. The attackers killed 58 people and injured 104 others, their assault ending at about 22:45. Security forces and emergency services arrived shortly afterwards. Announcements by a railway announcer, Vishnu Dattaram Zende, alerted passengers to leave the station, which saved many lives. The two gunmen fled the scene and fired at pedestrians and police officers in the streets, killing eight police officers. The attackers passed a police station. Knowing that they were outgunned against the heavily armed terrorists, the police officers at the station, instead of confronting the terrorists, decided to switch off the lights and secure the gates.

The attackers then headed towards Cama Hospital with intent to kill patients, but the hospital staff locked all of the patient wards. A team of the Mumbai Anti-Terrorist Squad, led by Police Chief Hemant Karkare, searched the Chhatrapati Shivaji Terminus and then left in pursuit of Kasab and Khan. Kasab and Khan opened fire on the vehicle in a lane next to the hospital and received return fire in response. Karkare, Vijay Salaskar, Ashok Kamte, and three of their officers were killed. The only survivor, Constable Arun Jadhav, was severely wounded. Kasab and Khan seized the police vehicle but later abandoned it and seized a passenger car instead. They then ran into a police roadblock, which had been set up after Jadhav radioed for help. A gun battle then ensued in which Khan was killed and Kasab was wounded. After a physical struggle, Kasab was arrested. A police officer, Tukaram Omble, was also killed when he tried to disarm Kasab by wrestling his weapon away from him.

Leopold Cafe- Bullet marks left at Leopold Cafe                                                                                        The Leopold Cafe, a popular restaurant and bar on Colaba Causeway in South Mumbai, was one of the first sites to be attacked. Two attackers, Shoaib alias Soheb and Nazir alias Abu Umer, opened fire on the cafe on the evening of 26 November between 21:30 and 21:48, killing 10 people (including some international visitors) and injuring many more.

Bomb blasts in taxis-                                                                                                                                    Two explosions happened in taxis caused by time bombs. The first one occurred at 22:40 at Vile Parle, killing the driver and a passenger. The second explosion took place at Wadi Bunder between 22:20 and 22:25. Three people, including the driver of the taxi, were killed, and about 15 others were injured.

Taj Mahal Palace Hotel and Oberoi Trident                                                                                                  The damaged Oberoi Trident hotel-                                                                                                          Two hotels, the Taj Mahal Palace Hotel and the Oberoi Trident, were among the four locations targeted. Six explosions were reported at the Taj Hotel – one in the lobby, two in the elevators, and three in the restaurant – and one at the Oberoi Trident. At the Taj, firefighters rescued 200 hostages from windows using ladders during the first night.

CNN initially reported on the morning of 27 November 2008 that the hostage situation at the Taj Hotel had been resolved and quoted the police chief of Maharashtra, stating that all hostages were freed; later that day, though, two attackers were found to be still holding hostages, including foreigners, in the Taj Hotel.

The first floor of the Taj Hotel was completely gutted. Several members of the European Parliament Committee on International Trade were staying at the Taj Hotel when it was attacked, but none were harmed. British Conservative Member of the European Parliament (MEP) Sajjad Karim (who was in the lobby when attackers initially opened fire there) and German Social Democrat MEP Erika Mann were hiding in different parts of the building. Also reported present was Spanish MEP Ignasi Guardans, who was barricaded in a hotel room. Another British Conservative MEP, Syed Kamall, reported that he along with several other MEPs left the hotel and went to a nearby restaurant shortly before the attack. Kamall also reported that Polish MEP Jan Masiel was thought to have been sleeping in his hotel room when the attacks started, but eventually left the hotel safely. Kamall and Guardans reported that a Hungarian MEP's assistant was shot. Also caught up in the shooting were the President of Madrid, Esperanza Aguirre, while checking in at the Oberoi Trident, and Indian MP N. N. Krishnadas of Kerala and Gulam Noon while having dinner at a restaurant in the Taj Hotel. Gautam Adani, a billionaire business tycoon of India, was having dinner in the Taj on November 26; he hid in the hotel kitchen and later in the toilet, and came out safely the next morning.

Nariman House- Front view of the Nariman House a week after the attacks                                              Nariman House, a Chabad Lubavitch Jewish centre in Colaba known as the Mumbai Chabad House, was taken over by two attackers, and several residents were held hostage. Police evacuated adjacent buildings and exchanged fire with the attackers, wounding one. Local residents were told to stay inside. The attackers threw a grenade into a nearby lane, causing no casualties. NSG commandos arrived from Delhi, and a naval helicopter took an aerial survey. During the first day, 9 hostages were rescued from the first floor. The following day, the house was stormed by NSG commandos fast-roping from helicopters onto the roof, covered by snipers positioned in nearby buildings. After a long battle,[clarification needed] one NSG commando, Sergeant Gajender Singh Bisht was killed, as were both perpetrators. Rabbi Gavriel Holtzberg and his wife Rivka Holtzberg, who was six months pregnant, were shot and killed along with four other hostages inside the house by the attackers.

According to radio transmissions picked up by Indian intelligence, the attackers "would be told by their handlers in Pakistan that the lives of Jews were worth 50 times those of non-Jews". Injuries on some of the bodies indicated that they may have been tortured. NSG Commandos beginning the assault on Nariman House by fast-roping onto the terrace.

NSG raid-                                                                                                                                                      During the attacks, both hotels were surrounded by Rapid Action Force personnel, Marine Commandos (MARCOS), and National Security Guards (NSG) commandos. When reports emerged that attackers were receiving television broadcasts, feeds to the hotels were blocked. Security forces stormed both hotels, and all nine attackers were killed by the morning of 29 November. Major Sandeep Unnikrishnan of the NSG was fatally shot during the rescue of Commando Sunil Yadav, who was hit in the leg by a bullet during the rescue operations at Taj. 32 hostages were killed at the Oberoi Trident.

NSG commandos then took on the Nariman House, and a naval helicopter took an aerial survey. During the first day, nine hostages were rescued from the first floor. The following day, the house was stormed by NSG commandos fast-roping from helicopters onto the roof, covered by snipers positioned in nearby buildings. NSG Commando Sergeant Gajender Singh Bisht, who was part of the team that fast-roped onto Nariman House, died from injuries sustained by a grenade after a long battle in which both perpetrators were also killed. By the morning of 28 November, the NSG had secured the Jewish outreach centre at Nariman House, as well as the Oberoi Trident hotel. They also incorrectly believed that the Taj Palace and Towers had been cleared of attackers, and soldiers were leading hostages and holed-up guests to safety, and removing bodies of those killed in the attacks. However, later news reports indicated that two or three attackers were still in the Taj, with explosions heard and gunfire exchanged. Fires were also reported at the ground floor of the Taj, with plumes of smoke arising from the first floor. The final operation at the Taj Palace hotel was completed by the NSG commandos at 08:00 on 29 November, killing three attackers and resulting in the conclusion of the attacks. The NSG rescued 250 people from the Oberoi, 300 from the Taj, and 60 (members of 12 different families) from Nariman House. In addition, police seized a boat filled with arms and explosives anchored at Mazgaon dock off Mumbai Harbour.

Attribution- Ajmal Kasab at Chhatrapati Shivaji Terminus with an AK-47 in his hand                            Main articles: Attribution of the 2008 Mumbai attacks and Erroneous reporting on the 2008 Mumbai attacks. The search regarding the identity of the terrorists started during the first attacks. During the searches, an unknown group calling itself the Mujahideen Hyderabad Deccan claimed responsibility for attacks in an email, which was later traced to Pakistan and was regarded as hoax. The Mumbai attacks were planned and directed by Lashkar-e-Taiba militants inside Pakistan and carried out by 10 young armed men trained and sent to Mumbai and directed from inside Pakistan by mobile phones and VoIP.

In July 2009, Pakistani authorities confirmed that LeT plotted and financed the attacks from LeT camps in Karachi and Thatta. In November 2009, Pakistani authorities charged seven men they had arrested earlier, of planning and executing the assault.

Mumbai police department originally identified 37 suspects—including two Pakistan Army officers—for their alleged involvement in the plot. All but two of the suspects, many of whom are identified only through aliases, are Pakistani. David Coleman Headley and Tahawwur Hussain Rana, arrested in the United States in October 2009 for other attacks, were also found to have been involved in planning the Mumbai attacks. One of these men, Pakistani American David Headley (born Daood Sayed Gilani), was found to have made several trips to India before the attacks, and gathered video and GPS information on behalf of the plotters.

In April 2011, the United States issued arrest warrants for four Pakistani men as suspects in the attack. Three men, Sajid Mir, Abu Qahafa, and Mazhar Iqbal, alias "Major Iqbal", were believed to be members of Lashkar-e-Taiba, and helped plan and train the attackers.

Negotiations with Pakistan-                                                                                                                      Pakistani Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gillani and President Asif Ali Zardari condemned the attacks. Pakistan promised to assist in the investigation, and President Zardari vowed "strong action against any Pakistani elements found involved in the attack". Pakistan initially denied that Pakistanis were responsible for the attacks, blaming plotters in Bangladesh and Indian criminals, a claim refuted by India, and saying they needed information from India on other bombings first. Pakistani authorities finally agreed that Ajmal Kasab was a Pakistani on 7 January 2009, and registered a case against three other Pakistani nationals.

The Indian government supplied evidence to Pakistan and other governments, in the form of interrogations, weapons, and call records of conversations during the attacks. In addition, Indian government officials said that the attacks were so sophisticated that they must have had official backing from Pakistani "agencies", an accusation denied by Pakistan.

Pakistan arrested a few members of Jamaat ud-Dawa and briefly put its founder under house arrest, but he was found to be free a few days later. A year after the attacks, Mumbai police continued to complain that Pakistani authorities were not co-operating by providing information for their investigation. Meanwhile, journalists in Pakistan said security agencies were preventing them from interviewing people from Kasab's village. The then Home Minister P. Chidambaram said the Pakistani authorities had not shared any information about American suspects David Headley and Tahawwur Hussain Rana, but that the FBI had been more forthcoming.

An Indian report, summarising intelligence gained from India's interrogation of David Headley, was released in October 2010. It alleged that Pakistan's intelligence agency (ISI) had provided support for the attacks by providing funding for reconnaissance missions in Mumbai. The report included Headley's claim that Lashkar-e-Taiba's chief military commander, Zaki-ur-Rahman Lakhvi, had close ties to the ISI. He alleged that "every big action of LeT is done in close coordination with ISI." In 2018, during an interview with newspaper Dawn, Pakistan's former Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif questioned Pakistan's inaction in preventing the Mumbai attacks.

Police looking for attackers outside Colaba.

Investigation-                                                                                                                                              According to investigations, the attackers travelled by sea from Karachi, Pakistan, across the Arabian Sea, hijacked the Indian fishing trawler Kuber, killed the crew of four, then forced the captain to sail to Mumbai. After murdering the captain, the attackers entered Mumbai on a rubber dinghy. The captain of Kuber, Amar Singh Solanki, had earlier been imprisoned for six months in a Pakistani jail for illegally fishing in Pakistani waters. The attackers stayed and were trained by the Lashkar-e-Taiba in a safehouse at Azizabad in Karachi before boarding a small boat for Mumbai.

David Headley was a member of Lashkar-e-Taiba, and between 2002 and 2009, Headley travelled extensively as part of his work for LeT. Headley received training in small arms and countersurveillance from LeT, built a network of connections for the group, and lead in scoping out targets for Mumbai attack having allegedly been given $25,000 in cash in 2006 by an ISI officer known as Major Iqbal. The officer also helped him arrange a communications system for the attack and oversaw a model of the Taj Hotel, so that gunmen could know their way inside the target, according to Headley's testimony to Indian authorities. Headley also helped ISI recruit Indian agents to monitor Indian troop levels and movements, according to a US official. At the same time, Headley was also an informant for the US Drug Enforcement Administration, and Headley's wives warned American officials of Headley's involvement with LeT and his plotting attacks, warning specifically that the Taj Hotel may be their target.

US officials believed that the ISI officers provided support to LeT militants who carried out the attacks. Disclosures made by former American intelligence contractor Edward Snowden in 2013 revealed that the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) had intercepted communications between the Lashkar boat and the LeT headquarters in Pakistan-administered Kashmir and passed the alert on to RAW on 18 November, eight days before the terrorists actually struck Mumbai. In the hours after the attack, the New York City Police Department sent Brandon del Pozo, an official from their intelligence division, to investigate the incident to understand what vulnerabilities its methods posed for New York City.

The arrest of Zabiuddin Ansari, alias Abu Hamza, in June 2012 provided further clarity on how the plot was hatched. According to Abu Hamza, the attacks were previously scheduled for 2006, using Indian youth for the job. However, a huge cache of AK-47s and RDX, which were to be used for the attacks, was recovered from Aurangabad in 2006, thus leading to the dismantling of the original plot. Subsequently, Abu Hamza fled to Pakistan and along with Lashkar commanders, scouted for Pakistani youth to be used for the attacks. In September 2007, 10 people were selected for the mission. In September 2008, these people tried sailing to Mumbai from Karachi, but could not complete their mission due to choppy waters. These men made a second attempt in November 2008, and successfully managed to execute the final attacks. David Headley's disclosures that three Pakistani army officers were associated with the planning and execution of the attack were substantiated by Ansari's revelations during his interrogation.

After Ansari's arrest, Pakistan's Foreign Office claimed they had received information that up to 40 Indian nationals were involved in the attacks.

In his confession, Ajmal Kasab, the only gunman captured, shared the location of LeT's training camps in Muridke, Pakistan, called as Markaz Taiba, and in Muzzafarabad, apart from the routine of their training, which included indoctrination, basic combat, advanced weapons and explosives, and commando tactics. On 7 May 2025, the Muridke camp was destroyed in a missile strike by the Indian Armed Forces in retaliation for the Pahalgam terrorist attack, which was also perpetrated by the Lashkar-e-Taiba. The strikes reportedly killed Lashkar's HQ chief Mudassar aka Abu Jundal(not to be confused with 26/11 co-conspirator Zabiuddin Ansari who used the alias Abu Jundal) among several other terrorists.

Method-                                                                                                                                                        The attackers had planned the attack several months ahead of time, and knew some areas well enough to vanish and reappear after security forces had left. Several sources have quoted Kasab telling the police that the group received help from Mumbai residents. The attackers used at least three SIM cards purchased on the Indian side of the border with Bangladesh. There were also reports of a SIM card purchased in the US state of New Jersey. Police had also mentioned that Faheem Ansari, an Indian Lashkar operative who had been arrested in February 2008, had scouted the Mumbai targets for the November attacks. Later, the police arrested two Indian suspects, Mikhtar Ahmad, who is from Srinagar in Kashmir, and Tausif Rehman, a resident of Kolkata. They supplied the SIM cards, one in Calcutta, and the other in New Delhi.

The attackers used a satellite phone and cell phones to talk to each other, as well as their handlers who were based in Pakistan. In transcripts intercepted by Indian authorities between the attackers and their handlers, the handlers provided the attackers with encouragement, tactical advice, and information gained from media coverage. The attackers used both personal cell phones and those obtained from their victims to communicate with each other and the news media. Although the attackers were encouraged to murder hostages, the attackers were in communication with the news media via cell phones to make demands in return for the release of hostages. This was believed to be done to further confuse Indian authorities that they were dealing with primarily a hostage situation.

Type 86 grenades made by China's state-owned Norinco were used in the attacks. Also, indications arose that the attackers had been taking cocaine. The gunman who survived said that the attackers had used Google Earth to familiarise themselves with the locations of buildings used in the attacks.

Of the 10 gunmen, nine were subsequently shot dead and one was captured by security forces. Witnesses reported that they seemed to be in their early 20s, wore black T-shirts and jeans, and smiled and looked happy as they shot their victims. Initially, some of the attackers reported to be British citizens, but the Indian government later stated that there was no evidence to confirm this. Similarly, early reports of 12 gunme were also later shown to be incorrect.

On 9 December, the 10 attackers were identified by Mumbai police, along with their home towns in Pakistan: Ajmal Amir Kasab from Faridkot, Abu Ismail Dera Ismail Khan from Dera Ismail Khan, Hafiz Arshad and Babr Imran from Multan, Javed from Okara, Shoaib from Sialkot, Nazir Ahmed and Nasir from Faisalabad, Abdul Rahman from Arifwalla, and Fahadullah from Dipalpur Taluka. Dera Ismail Khan is in the North-West Frontier Province; the rest of the towns are in Pakistani Punjab.

On 6 April 2010, the Home Minister of Maharashtra, informed the assembly that the bodies of the nine killed Pakistani gunmen from the 2008 attack on Mumbai were buried in a secret location in January 2010. The bodies had been in the mortuary of a Mumbai hospital after Muslim clerics in the city refused to let them be buried on their grounds.

Attackers- Only one of the attackers, Ajmal Kasab, survived the attack. He was hanged in Yerwada Central Jail in 2012.

Arrests- Main articles: Ajmal Kasab and Zabiuddin Ansari                                                                        Ajmal Kasab was the only attacker arrested by police. At first, he deposed to police inspector Ramesh Mahale that he had come to India "to see Amitabh Bachchan's bungalow", and that he was apprehended by the Mumbai Police outside the bungalow. Much of the information about the attackers' preparation, travel, and movements comes from his subsequent confessions to the Mumbai police.

On 12 February 2009, Pakistani Interior Minister Rehman Malik said that Pakistani national Javed Iqbal, who acquired VoIP phones in Spain for the Mumbai attackers, and Hamad Ameen Sadiq, who had facilitated money transfer for the attack, had been arrested. Two other men known as Khan and Riaz, but whose full names were not given, were also arrested. Two Pakistanis were arrested in Brescia, Italy (east of Milan), on 21 November 2009, after being accused of providing logistical support to the attacks and transferring more than US$200 to Internet accounts using a false ID. They had Red Corner Notices issued against them by Interpol for their suspected involvement and it was issued after the last year's strikes.

In October 2009, two Chicago men were arrested and charged by the FBI for involvement in "terrorism" abroad, David Coleman Headley and Tahawwur Hussain Rana. Headley, a Pakistani American, was charged in November 2009 with scouting locations for the 2008 Mumbai attacks. Headley is reported to have posed as an American Jew and is believed to have links with militant Islamist groups based in Bangladesh. On 18 March 2010, Headley pleaded guilty to a dozen charges against him thereby avoiding going to trial.

In December 2009, the FBI charged Abdur Rehman Hashim Syed, a retired major in the Pakistani Army, for planning the attacks in association with Headley. On 15 January 2010, in a successful snatch operation, R&AW agents nabbed Sheikh Abdul Khwaja, one of the handlers of the 26/11 attacks, chief of HuJI India operations and a most wanted suspect in India, from Colombo, Sri Lanka, and brought him over to Hyderabad, India, for formal arrest.

On 25 June 2012, the Delhi Police Department arrested Zabiuddin Ansari, alias Abu Hamza, one of the key suspects in the attack at the Indira Gandhi International Airport in New Delhi. His arrest was touted as the most significant development in the case since Kasab's arrest. Security agencies had been chasing him for three years in Delhi. Ansari is a LeT ultra and the Hindi tutor of the 10 attackers who were responsible for the Mumbai attacks in 2008. He was apprehended, after he was arrested and deported to India by Saudi Intelligence officials as per official request by Indian authorities. After Ansari's arrest, investigations revealed that in 2009 he allegedly stayed for a day in a room in Old Legislators's Hostel, belonging to Fauzia Khan, a former MLA and minister in Maharashtra Government. The minister, however, denied having any links with him. Home Minister P. Chidambaram asserted that Ansari was provided a safe place in Pakistan and was present in the control room, which could not have been established without active State support. Ansari's interrogation further revealed that Sajid Mir and a Pakistani Army major visited India under fake names as cricket spectators to survey targets in Delhi and Mumbai for about a fortnight.

Sajid Mir, a Pakistani citizen and key operative of the militant Islamic extremist group LeT, is seen as one of the main organizers of the 2008 attacks. He has been called the "mastermind" and "project manager". Mir is on the U.S. Federal Bureau of Investigation's Most Wanted list and the United States Department of State offers in its Rewards for Justice Program, a reward of up to $5 million for information leading to the arrest and conviction of Mir. Mir has carried out terrorism operations in different parts of the world, including France.

Jason M. Blazakis, professor of practice at Middlebury Institute of International Studies at Monterey, stated in 2018 in The Hill: "A lethal, miasmic mix of bureaucratic inertia, diplomatic dysfunction and misperception has contributed to the fact that LeT members Sajid Mir, Mazhar Iqbal, Abu Qahafa (his nom de guerre), and their ISI handler, Major Iqbal (no relation to Mazhar), roam free."

On April 10, 2025, the NIA formally arrested Tahawwur Rana after his arrival from the U.S.

Dharmendra devol death

Dharmendra Kewal Krishan Deol (8 December 1935 – 24 November 2025), known mononymously as Dharmendra, was an Indian actor, producer and politician, primarily known for his work in Hindi films. He was widely considered one of the greatest and most commercially successful film stars in the history of Indian cinema. In a career spanning 65 years, he worked in over 300 films, holding the record for starring in the highest number of hit films in Hindi cinema.

Born in Nasrali, Punjab, Dharmendra made his debut in 1960 with Dil Bhi Tera Hum Bhi Tere. He first gained popularity in the mid-1960s for films, such as Ayee Milan Ki Bela, Phool Aur Patthar and Aaye Din Bahar Ke, and achieved greater stardom in later years, being dubbed India's "He-Man" for several of his on-screen roles in Hindi films. He consistently starred in several successful Hindi films from the late-1960s to the 1980s, such as Seeta Aur Geeta, Yaadon Ki Baaraat, Sholay, Mera Gaon Mera Desh, Pratiggya, Charas, and Dharam Veer, as well as some of his acclaimed performances, include Anupama, Satyakam, and Chupke Chupke.

Beginning in the late 1990s, he appeared in character roles in several successful and acclaimed films, such as Life in a... Metro, Yamla Pagla Deewana, and Rocky Aur Rani Kii Prem Kahaani. In 1997, he received the Filmfare Lifetime Achievement Award for his contributions to Bollywood. He was a member of the 15th Lok Sabha of India, representing the Bikaner constituency in Rajasthan from the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). The patriarch of the Deol family, Dharmendra's private life received much attention, particularly his marriages to Prakash Kaur and actress Hema Malini. For his contributions to the arts, the Government of India honoured him with the Padma Bhushan in 2012.

Early life and education- Dharmendra with his father                                                                            Dharmendra Kewal Krishan Deol was born in Nasrali, a village in Ludhiana district, Punjab, British India on 8 December 1935. He was the son of Kewal Krishan and Satwant Kaur, and was born into a Punjabi Hindu Jat family. His ancestral village is Dangon, near Pakhowal Tehsil Raikot, Ludhiana.

He spent his early life in the village of Sahnewal and studied at Government Senior Secondary School at Lalton Kalan, Ludhiana, where his father was the village school headmaster. He did his matriculation in Phagwara in 1952.

Career-                                                                                                                                                          1960–1969: Early career and rise to prominence. Dharmendra initially travelled to Mumbai without any clear pathway into the film industry and returned home in Punjab after failing to secure work, taking up employment with a drilling company. He later reapplied himself to acting after seeing an advertisement for the Filmfare magazine talent hunt, for which he returned to Mumbai and was placed second (the winner, Suresh Puri, subsequently faded from public view). Despite this early recognition, he continued to face professional difficulties and reportedly considered leaving Mumbai again until he was persuaded to stay by fellow aspiring actor Manoj Kumar. He later made his film debut in 1960 with Arjun Hingorani's romantic drama Dil Bhi Tera Hum Bhi Tere. The film largely went unnoticed and as a result, did not perform that well at the box office. He saw his first commercial success in 1961 with Ramesh Saigal's Shola Aur Shabnam and followed it with hits, such as Mohan Kumar's Anpadh (1962) and Bimal Roy's Bandini (1963), which won National Film Award for Best Feature Film in Hindi.

His breakthrough came in 1964 when he co-starred alongside Rajendra Kumar and Saira Banu in another of Mohan Kumar's directional venture Ayee Milan Ki Bela. It went on to become a superhit and despite playing the antagonist, Dharmendra was noticed by audience and received a nomination in the Filmfare Award for Best Supporting Actor category. That same year, he played the lead role in Chetan Anand's war-drama Haqeeqat. Based on the Sino-Indian War of 1962, the film proved to be a major critical and commercial success, eventually emerging a superhit with one of its song "Kar Chale Ham Fida", a solo by Mohammed Rafi becoming hugely popular among the masses. In 1965, he had another major success in Ram Maheshwari's romantic drama Kaajal. The film also had Meena Kumari, Raaj Kumar and Padmini in the lead.

In 1966, Dharmendra reunited with Kumari for O. P. Ralhan's Phool Aur Patthar. The film topped the box office chart in 1966, becoming a major blockbuster and making him a saleable star. He received his first nomination in the Filmfare Award for Best Actor category for the film. The success of Phool Aur Patthar was followed by hits in Mamta, Devar, Anupama and Aaye Din Bahar Ke, the same year. He was also given a souvenir at the 14th National Film Awards in recognition of his performance in Anupama. The next year, he worked in commercially unsuccessful, but critically acclaimed films like - Dulhan Ek Raat Ki opposite Nutan and Majhli Didi, Chandan Ka Palna, both opposite Kumari. Dharmendra hit the big league in 1968 with Atma Ram's mystery thriller Shikar and Ramanand Sagar's spy thriller Ankhen. Both the films opened to positive audience response and proved to be blockbusters at the box office with the latter being the top–earning film that year. His other commercially successful releases of 1968 were – T. 

Prakash Rao's drama film Izzat (in which he played a double role) and Amar Kumar's romantic drama Mere Hamdam Mere Dost. The following year, saw the emergence of superstar Rajesh Khanna, who stormed the nation with back-to-back blockbusters in Aradhana and Do Raaste. With his rise, a number of stars went through career decline. During this phase, Dharmendra and Dev Anand were the only actors who remained unaffected by Khanna's popularity. In 1969, he had a superhit in Aya Sawan Jhoom Ke, followed by three more successful films, which were - Yakeen, Pyar Hi Pyar and Aadmi Aur Insaan. Dharmendra also received immense acclaim for his portrayal of a righteous man in Hrishikesh Mukherjee's social drama film Satyakam, which is widely considered to be his career-best performance by fans as well as critics and went on to win National Film Award for Best Feature Film in Hindi.

1970–1977: Superstardom                                                                                                                            In 1970, Dharmendra delivered four major successes and formed a hit pair with Hema Malini His first release was Satyen Bose's crime drama Jeevan Mrityu. An adaptation of Alexandre Dumas's novel The Count of Monte Cristo, it proved to be major critical and commercial success, eventually emerging a blockbuster and one of the top earners of 1970. His next two films, Bhappi Sonie's Tum Haseen Main Jawan and Asit Sen's Sharafat, both opposite Malini proved to be superhits at the box office. This was followed by a flop in Ishq Par Zor Nahin alongside Sadhana and a hit in Kab? Kyoon? Aur Kahan? with Babita. His final release of that year was Raj Kapoor's magnum opus Mera Naam Joker (in which he played a supporting role). Although the film was a disaster at the time of release, it attained cult status in later years, with many critics hailing it as one of the best Indian films of all time. In 1971, Dharmendra starred in Raj Khosla's action drama Mera Gaon Mera Desh. The film went on to become an All Time Blockbuster and established his image of an action hero. 

The large success of this film also made the industry shift from romantic to action films. Dharmendra received his second nomination in the Filmfare Award for Best Actor category for his performance in Mera Gaon Mera Desh. His success continued in the following year with another massive blockbuster in Seeta Aur Geeta, a superhit in Raja Jani and a hit film, Samadhi to go with the major grossers. The mass hysteria created by Mera Gaon Mera Desh in 1971, followed by back-to-back hits with Seeta Aur Geeta, Raja Jani and Samadhi in 1972 took Dharmendra to number one position among his contemporaries, thus making him a "superstar".

1973 was the best year of Dharmendra's career with many successes. His first release, which was A. Bhimsingh's action crime film Loafer, emerged a superhit with its songs, including "Aaj Mausam Bada Be-Imaan", "Main Tere Ishq Mein", "Koi Shehri Babu" becoming immensely popular among the masses and making its soundtrack one of the best-selling Hindi film albums of the 1970s. This was followed by mystery thriller Jheel Ke Us Paar and action drama Jugnu. While Jheel Ke Us Paar was a hit, the latter proved to be a blockbuster in India as well as Soviet Union, eventually taking second spot at the box office in 1973. Owing to its huge success, Jugnu was also remade in Tamil and Telugu as Guru (1980). His next two releases were - Ravikant Nagaich's spy thriller Keemat and Adurthi Subba Rao's light-hearted drama film Jwaar Bhata. Both the films received critical acclaim and emerged moderately successful Towards the end of the year, Dharmendra appeared in Yaadon Ki Baaraat, Blackmail and Kahani Kismat Ki. Yaadon Ki Baaraat, directed by Nasir Hussain and written by Salim-Javed is widely identified as the first masala film of Indian cinema and proved to be another blockbuster for the actor as well as the second best-selling Bollywood album of the 1970s. 

On the other hand, Vijay Anand's romantic thriller Blackmail was an unsuccessful venture critically and commercially, but reception later improved, with many calling it one of Anand's most underrated works. The song "Pal Pal Dil Ke Paas" filmed on Dharmendra and Raakhee was a chartbuster and remains popular in modern culture. His final release of the year, Arjun Hingorani's actioner Kahani Kismat Ki continued his dream run and emerged a superhit at the box office. The following year, Dharmendra added one more blockbuster in his kitty with Dulal Guha's social drama Dost co-starring Shatrughan Sinha and Hema Malini. The huge box office success of Dost was followed by moderate successes in Patthar Aur Payal and Resham Ki Dori. For his performance in the latter, Dharmendra received his fourth and final nomination in the Filmfare Award for Best Actor category.

The 1975 Emergency had angered the public, and this helped films featuring the lead character revolting against corruption and establishment become successes. The shift from romantic and social movies to action-oriented multi-starrers changed the box office. The year saw the rise of another superstar, Amitabh Bachchan, but Dharmendra remained rock-steady and continued to deliver huge hits.

In 1975, Dharmendra appeared alongside Bachchan in two films. The first was Mukherjee's light-hearted comedy Chupke Chupke. It received positive response from critics and went on to become a hit at the box office. The second was Ramesh Sippy's actioner Sholay. It released on 15 August 1975, Indian Independence Day, in Bombay. Due to lackluster reviews and a lack of effective visual marketing tools, it saw poor financial returns in its first two weeks. However, from the third week onward, viewership picked up owing to positive word of mouth. During the initial slow period, the director and writer considered re-shooting some scenes so that Amitabh Bachchan's character would not die. When business picked up, they abandoned this idea. After additionally releasing a soundtrack containing dialogue snippets, Sholay soon became an "overnight sensation". 

The film was then released in other distribution zones such as Delhi, Uttar Pradesh, Bengal, and Hyderabad on 11 October 1975. It became the highest-grossing Hindi-language film of 1975, and film ranking website Box Office India has given the film a verdict of All Time Blockbuster. Sholay went on to earn a still-standing record of 60 golden jubilees across India, and was the first film in India to celebrate a silver jubilee at over 100 theatres. It was shown continuously at Bombay's Minerva Theatre for over five years and in Kolkata's Jyoti Cinema for almost two years. Sholay was the Indian film with the longest theatrical run until Dilwale Dulhania Le Jayenge (1995) broke its record of 286 weeks in 2001.

Dharmendra and Bachchan starrer Sholay (1975) recorded an estimated 15-18 crore footfalls, making it the highest grossing Indian film in terms of audience attendance to date.

Before the end of year, he delivered another huge success in Pratiggya. The film along with its strong action scenes also had a significant comic track in the form of "slapstick" comedy which led to it being referred as a "masterpiece in comedy". In 1976, Dharmendra reunited with Ramanand Sagar for the action thriller Charas. Set against the backdrop of the expulsion of Indian community from Uganda by its dictator Idi Amin in 1972, it opened to bumper response all over the nation and emerged a superhit at the box office. His other release of the year, M. A. Thirumugam's family drama film Maa was thrashed by critics, but still went on to become a success. The year 1977 proved to be a big one for Dharmendra with an All Time Blockbuster in Manmohan Desai's action drama Dharam Veer, a superhit in another of Desai's masala film Chacha Bhatija, followed by two more successful films in Arjun Hingorani's mystery thriller Khel Khilari Ka and Pramod Chakravorty's action comedy Dream Girl. In the United Kingdom, Dharam Veer had 23 shows in 5 cities. Driven by the success of Rafi's songs, the film took a record initial of £50,000 in the UK, equivalent to ₹438,140 (US$50,001.71). In addition, the film sold 32 million tickets in the Soviet Union.

1978–1997: Continued success and occasional setbacks. Post-1977, the quality of Dharmendra's films dropped and so the number of huge grossers, but his initial draw remained intact, owing to which the flow of successes continued till the 1990s. In 1978, he had four major releases which included Shalimar, Azaad, Dillagi and Phandebaaz. Out of these, Shalimar and Phandebaaz were critical and commercial failures while Azaad and Dillagi, both co-starring Malini emerged successful, especially the former which was a superhit as well as fourth highest-grossing film of the year. The following year, he added one more superhit in his kitty with Mohan Sehgal's Kartavya and a successful film with Dulal Guha's Dil Kaa Heera.

Dharmendra began the 1980s with Ravi Chopra's big-budget action thriller The Burning Train. The film co-starring Jeetendra, Vinod Khanna, Hema Malini and Parveen Babi didn't live up to the expectations and ended up as an average fare, however gained cult status in later years. His next two releases were - Alibaba Aur 40 Chor and Ram Balram. While the former was a moderate success, the latter in which he reunited with Bachchan proved to be a box office hit. In 1981, he had a superhit in Kaatilon Ke Kaatil, but other releases, such as Aas Paas and Krodhi failed to leave a mark while Brij Sadanah's big-budget actioner Professor Pyarelal ended up as an average grosser. This changed in 1982 as five of his films emerged commercial successes, these were - Rajput, Badle Ki Aag, Ghazab, Baghavat and Samraat.

In 1983, Dharmendra delivered a hit in Rajkumar Kohli's comedy film Naukar Biwi Ka, followed by another success, Qayamat, but his most anticipated film of that year, Kamal Amrohi's period biographical film Razia Sultan was a box office disaster. The next year, he had seven releases, out of which Baazi, Jagir, Jeene Nahi Doonga and Dharm Aur Qanoon did reasonable business, but rest were critical and commercial failures. In 1985, Dharmendra starred in J. P. Dutta's action drama film Ghulami which also had Mithun Chakraborty, Naseeruddin Shah, Reena Roy and Smita Patil in the lead. The film opened to positive reviews from critics and emerged a superhit as well as one of the top five highest-earners of that year. Its song, "Zeehale Muskin Makun ba-Ranjish", sung by Lata Mangeshkar and Shabbir Kumar was a chartbuster and was featured in the year-end annual list of Binaca Geetmala. The following year, he had another commercial success with Ambrish Sangal's Begaana (1986), co-starring Kumar Gaurav and Rati Agnihotri.

Dharmendra returned to the big league in 1987 by delivering eight successful films in the year. His first two releases were - Rajkumar Kohli's and Raj N. Sippy's actioners Insaniyat Ke Dushman and Loha, respectively, both of which proved to be box office hits. He then appeared in Dadagiri, Hukumat and Aag Hi Aag. While Dadagiri was an average fare, the latter two went on to become superhits with Hukumat emerging as the highest-grossing film of the year. This was followed by T. Rama Rao's hit venture Watan Ke Rakhwale and two more successful films, Insaaf Kaun Karega with Rajinikanth and Insaf Ki Pukar, co-starring Jeetendra. His other huge hits of the decade, include Khatron Ke Khiladi (1988) and Elaan-E-Jung (1989).

With the advent of the 1990s, Dharmendra's star power began to wane. From 1990 to 1992, his successful films included Naakabandi (1990), Veeru Dada (1990), Humse Na Takrana (1990), Kohraam (1991) and Tahalka (1992), which also proved to be his final hit as a lead actor. In 1993, he appeared in J. P. Dutta's ensemble action film Kshatriya co-starring Sunil Dutt, Vinod Khanna, Rakhee Gulzar, Sanjay Dutt, Sunny Deol, Meenakshi Seshadri, Raveena Tandon and Divya Bharti. Kshatriya took a record opening, but collections dropped after it was pulled from theatres owing to Dutt's involvement in the 1993 Bombay bombings and it ended up as a flop. In the mid-1990s, he delivered average fares in Policewala Gunda (1995) and Mafia (1996), but his other releases, including biggies, such as Maidan-E-Jung (1995) and Return of Jewel Thief (1996) proved to be box office failures.

In a 2016 feature in The Hindu, film critic Vijay Lokapally noted that Dharmendra’s shift in the late 1980s toward low-budget action cinema echoed the career path of wrestler-actor Dara Singh, who had once dominated India’s working-class entertainment circuit. He observed that as mainstream Hindi cinema became dominated by younger stars such as the "Khan trio" and Akshay Kumar, Dharmendra deliberately targeted a different audience, comprising labourers, small-town viewers, and long-time fans of traditional action heroes, by appearing in quickly produced, low-cost action films screened largely in single theatres across India’s B- and C-circuits. While initially dismissed by the press and some of his admirers as a decline into "B-grade" filmmaking, he argued that Dharmendra’s strategy was in fact pragmatic: these films were economically viable, shot within a month, and sustained his connection with a loyal audience base that valued old-style heroism over the romantic trends of the multiplex era. However, his image as a leading man was affected by his decision to act in a number of low-budget or "B-grade" productions, as evidenced by the fact that despite his blockbusters, super-hits and hits he also holds a record number of flop films, estimated at around 180 titles released between 1960 and 2013, most of those occurring during his "B-grade" phase.

In 1997, Dharmendra received the Filmfare Lifetime Achievement Award. While accepting the award from Dilip Kumar and his wife Saira Banu, he became emotional and remarked that he had never won the Filmfare Award for Best Actor despite having worked in so many successful films and nearly a hundred popular films. Speaking on this occasion Dilip Kumar commented, "Whenever I get to meet with God Almighty, I will set before him my only complaint – why did you not make me as handsome as Dharmendra?".

1998–2025: Shift to character roles-                                                                                                              Since the late-1990s, Dharmendra appeared in character roles. His first film in such a role was Sohail Khan's romantic comedy Pyaar Kiya To Darna Kya (1998), co-starring Salman Khan, Kajol and Arbaaz Khan. The film received positive reviews from critics and became a superhit at the box office.

His first two major releases of the new decade were Kaise Kahoon Ke... Pyaar Hai (2003) and Kis Kis Ki Kismat (2004), both of which were box office failures. After this, Dharmendra went on a hiatus for a brief period and returned with three films in 2007. These were - Anurag Basu's drama film Life in a... Metro, Anil Sharma's sports drama Apne and Sriram Raghavan's neo-noir thriller Johnny Gaddaar. Both, Life in a... Metro and Apne proved to be critical and commercial successes. On the other hand, Johnny Gaddaar, despite failing at the box office, received praise from critics and attained cult status in later years. The same year, he made a guest appearance in the song "Deewangi Deewangi" from Farah Khan's blockbuster reincarnation drama Om Shanti Om. In 2011, Dharmendra starred in Yamla Pagla Deewana and Tell Me O Kkhuda. While the latter was a commercial disaster, Yamla Pagla Deewana performed very well and emerged a box office hit. He then appeared in sequels to Yamla Pagla Deewana, Yamla Pagla Deewana 2 (2013) and Yamla Pagla Deewana Phir Se (2018), but unlike the first film, both the sequels received poor audience response.

In 2023, he appeared in Karan Johar's ensemble family drama Rocky Aur Rani Kii Prem Kahaani. The film opened to a polarising response from reviewers, but grossed over ₹3.5 billion (US$41 million) worldwide and proved to be a hit as well as the tenth highest-grossing Indian film of the year. At the 71st National Awards, it won National Film Award for Best Popular Film Providing Wholesome Entertainment. The following year, Dharmendra co-starred alongside Shahid Kapoor and Kriti Sanon in the romantic comedy Teri Baaton Mein Aisa Uljha Jiya. The film received mixed to negative reviews from critics, but still did a lifetime business of ₹1.3 billion (US$15 million) worldwide to emerge a commercial success.

The war drama Ikkis (2025), based on the life of Arun Khetarpal was the final film of his illustrious career, however he died before the release of the film.

Frequent collaborations-                                                                                                                    Dharmendra's most successful pairing was with Hema Malini, whom he later married.[25] The couple performed together in many films including Tum Haseen Main Jawaan, Sharafat, Naya Zamana, Seeta Aur Geeta, Raja Jani, Jugnu, Dost, Patthar Aur Payal, Sholay, Charas, Maa, Chacha Bhatija and Azaad.

He has worked with various directors, each with a different style of filmmaking. His longest collaboration was with director Arjun Hingorani from 1960 to 1991. Dil Bhi Tera Hum Bhi Tere was the debut film of Dharmendra as an actor and Arjun's first directorial venture with Dharmendra as the lead hero. They worked together in Kab? Kyoon? Aur Kahan?, Kahani Kismat Ki, Khel Khilari Ka, Katilon Ke Kaatil and Kaun Kare Kurbanie where Arjun Hingorani was the producer and the director, and Sultanat and Karishma Kudrat Kaa, produced by Arjun Hingorani. He worked with director Pramod Chakravorty in Naya Zamana, Jugnu, Dream Girl and Azaad. Anil Sharma worked with him in many films including Hukumat, Elaan-E-Jung, Farishtay, Tahalka and Apne.

Works in other languages-                                                                                                                          In the starting of his film career he worked in the Bengali film Paari (1966) directed by Jagannath Chatterjee. The film also featured Dilip Kumar and Keshto Mukherjee in key roles.

He has periodically appeared in films in his native tongue of Punjabi, starring in Kankan De Ohle (1970), Do Sher (1974), Dukh Bhanjan Tera Naam (1974), Teri Meri Ik Jindri (1975), Putt Jattan De (1982) and Qurbani Jatt Di (1990). He returned to Punjabi cinema after a gap with the 2014 film Double Di Trouble.

Other works- Political career                                                                                                                Dharmendra served as a Member of the Indian Parliament (Lok Sabha) from Bharatiya Janata Party representing Bikaner in Rajasthan from 2004 to 2009. During his election campaign in 2004, he made an offensive remark that he should be elected dictator perpetuo to teach "basic etiquette that democracy requires" for which he was severely criticised. He rarely attended Parliament when the house was in session, preferring to spend time shooting movies or working at his farmhouse, for which he was also widely criticised.

Television-Dharmendra at an event in 2011                                                                                              In 2011, Dharmendra replaced Sajid Khan as the male judge of the third series of popular reality show India's Got Talent. On 29 July 2011, the show aired on Colors TV with Dharmendra as the new judge and surpassed the opening ratings of the previous two seasons.

In 2023, he appeared in his first television acting role as Salim Chisti in the historical series Taj: Divided by Blood which is available on ZEE5.

Producing and presenting films-                                                                                                                In 1983, Dharmendra set up a production company known as Vijayta Films. In its maiden venture Betaab, released in 1983, Vijayta Films launched Dharmendra's elder son Sunny Deol as the lead actor. The film was the second highest-grossing film of the year. In 1990 he produced the action film Ghayal, also starring Sunny. The film won seven Filmfare Awards, including the Filmfare Award for Best Film. It won the National Film Award for Best Popular Film Providing Wholesome Entertainment. Dharmendra in 1995 produced Barsaat, the costliest Indian film ever made until then, to launch his son Bobby Deol and Twinkle Khanna. It emerged a superhit and remains the first and only time to date that such a film was made with newcomers.

Legacy-                                                                                                                                                  Dharmendra is widely regarded as one of the most influential personalities in Indian cinema. He was considered one of the most handsome men in the world during his early career and is widely known as the "He-Man" of Bollywood. Rediff.com placed him 10th in its "Top 10 Bollywood Actors of All Time" list.

Dharmendra most notable acting performances include Satyakam with Hrishikesh Mukherjee and Sholay, which is listed by Indiatimes as one of the "top 25 must see Bollywood films of all time". In 2005, the judges of the 50th annual Filmfare Awards awarded Sholay the special distinction of Filmfare Best Film of 50 years.

When Dilip Kumar was giving the Filmfare Lifetime Achievement Award to Dharmendra, he commented, "Whenever I get to meet with God Almighty, I will set before him my only complaint—why did you not make me as handsome as Dharmendra?". One of the most successful actors of the 1970s and 1980s, Dharmendra appeared in Box Office India's "Top Actors" list eighteen times from 1968 to 1984 and 1987. He topped the list four times (1972–1975).

In an interview, Salman Khan said that Dharmendra is the only person he has consistently followed after his father; he admires Dharmendra even more than Dharmendra’s own sons do. He also praised Dharmendra’s enduring appeal, calling him “the most beautiful looking man” because of the innocence and vulnerability in his face combined with a strong physique, a remark that led to Dharmendra being affectionately labelled “macho man". In a 2007 episode of Koffee with Karan, Jaya Bachchan revealed that she had been completely smitten with Dharmendra, describing him as a “Greek god” and even sharing her admiration in front of his wife, Hema Malini. She recalled being so starstruck upon their first meeting that she “hid behind a sofa". Amitabh Bachchan also revealed that Jaya had already told him she admired Dharmendra above all others, saying, “There is nobody in the industry more handsome than him.”

Zeenat Aman described Dharmendra as her favourite co-star, calling him “strikingly handsome” and noting his humble personality, which made her feel at ease during filming. Madhuri Dixit has described Dharmendra as “one of the most handsome persons I have ever seen on screen".

Dharmendra is the only actor to have twice delivered seven successful films in a year. In 1973, his successful films, included Jugnu, Yaadon Ki Baaraat, Loafer, Kahani Kismat Ki, Jheel Ke Us Paar, Keemat and Blackmail while in 1987, his profitable ventures were Hukumat, Aag Hi Aag, Loha, Insaniyat Ke Dushman, Watan Ke Rakhwale, Insaf Ki Pukar and Insaaf Kaun Karega.

In 2022, he was placed in Outlook India's "75 Best Bollywood Actors" list. Controversially, Dharmendra never won an acting award.

Personal life-                                                                                                                                              Dharmendra with his sons, Bobby (on left), Sunny Deol (right hand side). Dharmendra married Prakash Kaur at the age of 19 in 1954, before he entered the film industry. The couple became parents to two sons, Sunny Deol and Bobby Deol, both successful film actors; and two daughters, Vijeta (born in 1962) and Ajeeta (born in 1966). Throughout his life, Dharmendra spent most of his time with Kaur, while Malini lived independently with her children.

After moving to Bombay and entering films, Dharmendra married Hema Malini, which caused controversy at the time since he was already married. Rumours began to circulate about Dharmendra and Hema Malini converting to Islam for this wedding. In 2004, during a political campaign, when the rumours began to circulate again, Dharmendra asserted that he remained a Hindu, the family being Arya Samaji. He and Malini starred together in a number of movies in the early 1970s, including Sholay. The couple had two daughters, Esha Deol (an actress, born in 1981) and Ahana Deol (an assistant director, born in 1985). His grandson, Bobby Deol's son, is also named "Dharam", after him.

Dharmendra had a farmhouse in Lonavala, where he lived during his final years. His family resides in Juhu, Mumbai. In 2023, Dharmendra lamented that Bollywood neglected his family and never appreciated Deol family's contributions to Indian cinema.

In 2001, after developing a serious back ailment that required a prolonged stay in hospital, Dharmendra began writing poetry to cope with the solitude. In subsequent years he was known for composing spontaneous verses, often using them to express reflections on life and the deeper dimensions of human experience. He was particularly fond of Mirza Ghalib.

Health issues and death-                                                                                                                              In 2010, Dharmendra had quit drinking alcohol after what he called a "health scare." He was previously known for his alcohol addiction, even being called "the biggest boozer in Bollywood", as he would drink up to 12 bottles a day.

Between 2015 and 2020, he had multiple health issues, including back pain, muscle strain, and weakness, which occasionally required hospitalisation. In 2025, Dharmendra underwent a corneal transplant surgery after the cornea of his left eye was damaged.

He had also been hospitalised on 31 October 2025 at the Breach Candy Hospital due to breathing difficulties. He was admitted to the ICU for observation and was discharged within a few hours once all his vital parameters stabilised.

On 10 November 2025, Dharmendra was again admitted to Breach Candy Hospital in Mumbai after complaining of respiratory issues. His second wife, Hema Malini, shared on social media that he was under continuous medical supervision. According to reports, he was placed on ventilator support as his condition became critical. Several actors, politicians, and fans across the country expressed their concern and prayed for his speedy recovery.

On 11 November 2025, rumours began circulating on social media and several news channels claiming that Dharmendra had died. The reports spread rapidly, with many media outlets broadcasting the unverified news. His death rumours flooded the internet after Indian Defence Minister Rajnath Singh and poet and lyricist Javed Akhtar even mourned his death in a post. Later, Hema Malini and daughter Esha Deol dismissed the rumours through their social media accounts, confirming that Dharmendra was alive and in stable condition. They condemned the spread of such false information, calling it completely unacceptable and irresponsible.

Dharmendra died on 24 November 2025 at his residence in Mumbai, early on Monday morning, at the age of 89 following age-related illness. He had been receiving treatment at Breach Candy Hospital in Mumbai earlier in the month, including a period on ventilator support, but was brought home by his family shortly before his death. His last rites were held at the Pawan Hans crematorium in the Vile Parle Juhu area of Mumbai, with family members and numerous film-industry colleagues in attendance.

Smriti Mandhana in married

Smriti Mandhana (born 18 July 1996) is an Indian international cricketer and the vice-captain of the Indian women's national team. She was part of the Indian team that won the 2025 Women's Cricket World Cup, the Women's Asia Cup in 2016 and 2022. She also won a gold medal in the 2022 Asian Games, and a silver medal in the 2022 Commonwealth Games representing India.

Mandhana has scored more than 9,500 runs in international cricket. She holds the record for the most international centuries (shared with Meg Lanning) and the second most centuries in Women's One Day Internationals (WODI). She has scored the second most runs and the most half-centuries in Women's Twenty20 Internationals (WT20I). She is the first Indian to score a century in all three formats of women's international cricket–tests, WODIs and WT20Is. She also holds the record for the fastest century in ODIs by any Indian batter.

In domestic cricket, Mandhana represents Maharashtra. She captains Royal Challengers Bengaluru in the Women's Premier League (WPL), and had led them to WPL title in the 2024 season. She led the Trailblazers in the Women's T20 Challenge from 2019 to 2022, while winning the title in the 2020 season. In 2016, she was signed by Brisbane Heat in the Australian Women's Big Bash League (WBBL). She has also played for Hobart Hurricanes, Sydney Thunder, and Adelaide Strikers in the WBBL, Western Storm in the Women's Cricket Super League and Southern Brave in The Hunded.

Mandhana has won four ICC Awards including Women's Cricketer of the Year in 2018 and 2021, and ODI Cricketer of the Year in 2018 and 2024. She was also nominated for the T20 Player of the Year in 2021, and the Women's Cricketer of the Year in 2022. She was awarded the Best International Cricketer award by the Board of Control for Cricket in India in 2018 and 2025. She was awarded the Arjuna Award by the Government of India in 2019. She was named as the Leading Cricketer in the World for 2024 by Wisden.

Early and personal life-                                                                                                                              Smriti Mandhana was born on 18 July 1996 in Mumbai, Maharashtra, to Smita and Shrinivas Mandhana, in a Marwari Hindu family. Her father worked as a chemical distributor, while her mother is a housewife. When she was two years old, her family moved to Madhavnagar, a suburb of Sangli in Maharashtra, where she completed her schooling. She attended Chintaman Rao College of Commerce in Sangli.

Mandhana's father and brother had played cricket at the local level. Watching her brother compete in the junior state tournaments inspired Mandhana to take up the sport. Mandhana married music composer and filmmaker Palash Muchhal on 23 November 2025.

Domestic career-                                                                                                                                          By the age of nine, Mandhana was selected for Maharashtra's under-15 team, and by eleven, she was picked for the Maharashtra under-19 team. Her breakthrough came in October 2013, when she became the first Indian woman to score a double-century in a List A match against Gujarat under-19 team in the West Zone under-19 tournament at the Alembic Cricket Ground in Vadodara. She scored an unbeaten 224 runs off 150 balls.

In the 2016 -17 edition of the Women's Challenger Trophy, Mandhana scored three half-centuries for India Red in as many games. She helped her team win the trophy by making an unbeaten 62 off 82 balls in the final against India Blue, and emerged as the tournament's top-scorer with 192 runs.

International career- Debut and early years (2013-2016)                                                                        Mandhana made her Women's One Day International (WODI) and Women's Twenty20 International (WT20I) debut for the India women's national team in April 2013, when Bangladesh toured India. She scored 48 runs across the two matches she played in the WODI series. She scored 39 runs while opening the batting in her debut and the only WT20I she played in the series. In August 2014, Mandhana was one of the eight players on debut in the Test match victory against England at Sir Paul Getty's Ground in Wormsley. She scored 22 and 51 in her first and second innings respectively and shared an opening-wicket partnership of 76 runs with Thirush Kamini in the second innings while chasing 182 runs for victory.

During India's tour of Australia in 2016, Mandhana scored her first international century against Australia in the second WODI game of the series. Held at the Bellerive Oval in Hobart, she scored 102 off 109 balls in a losing cause. Later in the year, she was the only Indian player to be named in the ICC Women's Team of the Year for 2016.

World cup final and formative years (2017-2021), Mandhana batting during the 2017 Women's Cricket World Cup

Mandhana sustained an anterior cruciate ligament injury in January 2017, and missed the World Cup Qualifier and the Quadrangular Series in South Africa during her five-month recovery period. She returned to the Indian squad for the 2017 Women's Cricket World Cup. In the first match against England in Derby, she helped her team win by scoring 35 runs, and was named as the player of the match. She score her second career century in the match against West Indies in the group stage of the tournament. India reached the final of the World Cup where the team lost to England by nine runs.

Mandhana scored the fastest fifty for India in WT20Is off 24 balls against New Zealand in February 2019. In March 2018, she scored a half-century off 30 balls against Australia in the 2017–18 India women's Tri-Nation Series. In the following month, she was named the player of the series in the three-match WODI series played during England's tour of India. In October 2018, she was named in India's squad for the Women's World Twenty20 tournament in the West Indies. Ahead of the tournament, the International Cricket Council named her as one of the key players to watch for in the tournament. During the tournament, she became the third Indian cricketer for score over a thousand runs in WT20I matches. She ended that year as the leading run-scorer in WODIs with 669 runs at a batting average of 66.90. She was awarded the ICC Women's Cricketer of the Year and the ICC Women's ODI Player of the Year in the 2018 ICC Awards.

In February 2019, Mandhana was named as the captain of Indian squad for the three match WT20I series against England after regular captain Harmanpreet Kaur was ruled out with an ankle injury. At 22 years and 229 days, She became the youngest T20I captain for India when she led the team in the first T20I in Guwahati. In May 2019, she won the International Woman Cricketer of the Year awards at CEAT International Cricket Awards 2019. In November 2019, during the series against West Indies, she became the third-fastest cricketer, in terms of innings, to score 2,000 runs in WODIs, doing so in her 51st innings. In January 2020, she was named in Indian squad for the 2020 ICC Women's T20 World Cup in Australia.

Consistency and record breaking run (2021-2024)                                                                                        In May 2021, Mandhana was named in Indian squad for the one-off test match against England. In August 2021, she was part of the Indian test squad for the match against Australia. In the first innings of the match, she scored her first century in Test cricket, and thus became the first Indian women's cricketer to score a century in both ODIs and Tests in Australia. She was named the ICC Women's Cricketer of the Year in the 2021 ICC Awards.

In March 2022, she was part of the Indian team for the 2022 Women's Cricket World Cup in New Zealand. In July 2022, she was the vice-captain of the Indian team that won the silver medal in the cricket tournament at the 2022 Commonwealth Games in Birmingham, England. She was also part of the team that won the gold medal in the cricket tournament at the 2022 Asian Games.

Mandhana was part of the Indian squad for the 2024 ICC Women's T20 World Cup. She made 75 runs across four innings in the tournament In the home series against South Africa, she made 343 runs in three matches including two centuries. In the WT20I series against the same opponents, she scored 193 runs in three matches, which was the most runs scored in a bilateral T20I series for India. In the subsequent series against New Zealand in October 2024, she scored another century in the third match of the series.

In 2024, Mandhana scored 763 runs in WT20Is, the most by any player in T20Is in a single calendar year. During the run, she scored eight half-centuries, the most by an Indian in a year, surpassing Mithali Raj (seven). She also became the second Indian batter to score fifty plus runs in three or more consecutive WT20Is after Raj. She also surpassed the record for the most career half-centuries in WT20Is held by Suzie Bates. At the 2024 ICC Awards, she was named ICC Women's Cricketer of the Year and ICC Women's ODI Cricketer of the Year.

In January 2025, Mandhana became the fastest Indian cricketer to score 4,000 runs in WODIs. Later in the same month, she scored a century in 70 balls against Ireland, the fastest for India and became the first Indian women's cricketer to score ten centuries in WODIs. On 28 June 2025, she scored her first WT20I century in the series against England and became the first Indian women to score a century in all formats of international cricket.

World cup win and later (2025-present)                                                                                                    Mandhana was vice-captain of the Indian team that won the 2025 ICC Women's Cricket World Cup. India defeated South Africa by 52 runs in the final at the DY Patil Stadium on 2 November 2025, becoming World Cup champions for the first time. During the tournament, she scored her 14th WODI century against New Zealand, which made her the joint record holder for the most centuries in international cricket along with Meg Lanning.

Franchise career-                                                                                                                                          In September 2016, Mandhana was signed on a one-year deal by Brisbane Heat (WBBL) in the Ausralian Women's Big Bash League and became one of the first Indians to be signed up for the league along with Harmanpreet Kaur. Playing against Melbourne Renegades in January 2017, she fell awkwardly while fielding and hurt her knee. She was ruled out of the rest of the tournament having scored 89 runs in 12 innings. Ahead of the 2018–19 season, she was signed by the Hobart Hurricanes. In September 2021, she became part of the Sydney Thunder squad for the 2021-22 WBBL season. During the season, she scored a century (114 runs), while equaling the record for the highest individual score in the tournament.

In June 2018, Mandhana signed for Western Storm in the English Women's Super League, and became the first Indian to play in the league. On 3 August 2018, she scored her first T20 century in the 2018 Women's Cricket Super League season. In 2021, she was drafted by Southern Brave for the inaugural season of The Hundred. She played seven games and scored 167 runs before leaving for India's tour of Australia. In February 2022, she was retained by Southern Brave for the 2022 edition of the Hundred.

In 2018, Mandhana was announced as a part of the Trailblazers team in the newly formed Women's T20 Challenge. She led the side that lost to the Supernovas in the inaugural exhibition season in 2018. Later, Trailblazers won the title in 2020 under Mandhana's captaincy. In the inaugural auction of the Women's Premier League in February 2023, she was signed by Royal Challengers Bangalore for ₹34 million (US$400,000), making her the highest-paid player in the auction. She was appointed as the team's captain, and the team won its maiden WPL title during the 2024 season. She finished as the second-highest run scorer in the title winning campaign.

Statistics-                                                                                                                                                      As of November 2025, Mandhana has scored more than 9500 runs with 17 centuries in international cricket. She holds the record for the most international centuries (shared with Meg Lanning) and the second most centuries in WODIs. In June 2025, she became the first Indian woman to score a century in all formats of international cricket. In September 2025, she scored a century against Australia in 50 balls, which is the fastest century in ODIs by an Indian batter.

Sports Desk, New Delhi. Smriti Mandhana Palash Muchhal Wedding Updates: Indian women's cricket team star Smriti Mandhana is marrying renowned singer and music composer Palash Muchhal today, November 23, 2025. Photos of their pre-wedding Haldi-Sangeet ceremony are all over the internet. Fans are eagerly awaiting the couple's wedding. 

Smriti and Palash's wedding is scheduled for this afternoon in Sangli, Maharashtra. Prior to this, World Champion Smriti Mandhani's pre-wedding video has created a buzz. Besides the cricket team, Bollywood stars, men's cricket stars, and politicians are expected to attend Smriti and Palash's wedding today. Therefore, in this article, we will share every update related to Smriti and Palash's wedding.

Smriti Mandhana Palash Muchhal Love Story                                                                                            In fact, Smriti Mandhana and singer-composer Palash Muchhal, nephew of renowned music directors Amjad-Nadeem, are set to tie the knot today. Speaking of Palash Muchhal, he is the brother of renowned singer Palak Muchhal and is known in the industry for his calm and simple personality. Meanwhile, Smriti Mandhana is a star cricketer for the Indian women's cricket team.

Talking about their love story, they met at an event where Palash sang one of his songs. They became friends after this, and that friendship gradually blossomed into love. They dated for five years, keeping their relationship a secret. Reportedly, Palash proposed to Smriti in front of his sister Palak Muchhal, and in July 2024, Smriti made their relationship public by sharing photos with Palash on social media. A few days before their wedding, Palash proposed to Smriti on one knee at the DY Patil Stadium.

It's worth noting that the age difference between the two is also very small. Palash was born on May 22, 1995, while Smriti was born on July 18, 1996. This makes Palash approximately one year and three months older than Smriti.

Housewife

A housewife (also known as a homemaker or a stay-at-home mother/mom/mum) is a woman whose role is running or managing her family's home—housekeeping, which may include caring for her children; cleaning and maintaining the home; making, buying and/or mending clothes for the family; buying, cooking, and storing food for the family; buying goods that the family needs for everyday life; partially or solely managing the family budget—and who is not employed outside the home. The male equivalent is the househusband.

The Merriam-Webster Dictionary defines a housewife as a married woman who is in charge of her household. The British Chambers's Twentieth Century Dictionary (1901) defines a housewife as "the mistress of a household; a female domestic manager.

In the Western world, stereotypical gender roles, particularly for women, were challenged by the feminist movement in the latter 20th century to allow some women to choose whether to be housewives or to have a career. However, financial barriers such as expensive childcare or disability can impede either. Changing economics also increased the prevalence of two-income households.

Sociology and economics-                                                                                                                            Some feminists and non-feminist economists (particularly proponents of historical materialism, the methodological approach of Marxist historiography) note that the value of housewives' work is ignored in standard formulations of economic output, such as GDP or employment figures. A housewife typically works many unpaid hours a week and often depends on income from her spouse’s work for financial support. The importance of housewives' work is sometimes disregarded in standard economic figures such as GDP or employment data because of how these metrics are measured. Housewives' work is excluded from GDP statistics since it is not exchanged in the market.

Some economists[who?] state that housewives frequently work long hours doing a variety of tasks such as cooking, cleaning, childcare, eldercare, and managing family finances. These chores are critical for maintaining families and supporting other family members' productive activities, such as paid jobs.

Traditional societies-                                                                                                                              Southern Paiutes at Moapa, Nevada, wearing traditional Paiute basket hats, while the baby is swaddled in traditional rabbit robes in a Paiute cradleboard.

A housewife in Yendi, Kumasi, Ghana, pours water into a meal as her children play, 1957 Contrary to a common belief that in hunter-gatherer societies men typically hunted animals for meat while women gathered other foods such as grain, fruit, and vegetables (as asserted, for example, in Richard B. Lee and Irven DeVore's 1968 book Man the Hunter), ethnographic studies of recent and current hunter-gatherer societies show women actively participating in hunting, as among the Agta people of the Philippines, where women hunt even while menstruating, pregnant, and breastfeeding. Fossil and archaeological evidence also indicate that women have a long history of hunting. In addition, evidence from exercise science shows that women are better suited to endurance activities, which might have been conducive to pursuing prey over long distances. However, an attempted verification of this study found "that multiple methodological failures all bias their results in the same direction...their analysis does not contradict the wide body of empirical evidence for gendered divisions of labor in foraging societies".

In rural societies where the main source of work is farming, women have also taken care of gardens and animals around the house, generally helping men with heavy work when a job needed to be done quickly, usually because of the season.

Examples of the heavy work involving farming that a traditional housewife in a rural society would do are: Picking fruit when it is ripe for market, Planting rice in a paddy field, Harvesting and stacking grain, Cutting hay for animals. In rural studies, the word housewife is occasionally used as a term for "a woman who does the majority of the chores within a farm's compound," as opposed to field and livestock work..

Whether the productive contributions of women were considered "work" varied by time and culture. Throughout much of the 20th century, the women working on a family farm, no matter how much work they did, would be counted in the US census as being unemployed, whereas the men doing the same or (even less) work were counted as being employed as farmers.

Modern society-                                                                                                                                            A research based on 7733 respondents who were aged 18–65 and legally married women in 20 European countries showed men and women share less housework in countries that publicly support gender equality. On the contrary, women did more housework than men.

Full-time homemakers in modern times usually share income produced by members of the household who are employed; wage-earners working full-time benefit from the unpaid work provided by the homemaker; otherwise, the performance of such work (childcare, cooking, housecleaning, teaching, transporting, etc.) could be a household expense. US states with community property recognize joint ownership of marital property and income, and, unless a prenuptial or postnuptial agreement is followed, most marital households in the US operate as a joint financial team and file taxes jointly.

In The Second Sex by Simone de Beauvoir, she talks about how society pressures women to find meaning and purpose in their relationships with men. In the chapter "The Women in Love", De Beauvoir explains that women, especially housewives, are taught to focus on caring for their husbands and children. This may lead to these women ignoring their own self identity and self needs. De Beauvoir argues that women in love, particularly those in roles like housewives, tend to define themselves through their relationships. This can make them dependent on their husbands for a feeling of fulfillment. For many women, their worth is tied to how well they care for the home and family, rather than pursuing their own dreams or desires. She also criticizes how this leads to an unequal relationship, where the woman is expected to sacrifice her own self while the man is seen as the strong and independent one. De Beauvoir believes this keeps women from being truly free and stops them from growing as individuals. It forces them to always depend on their significant other. Simone de Beauvoir wants to uphold a new way of thinking about love and relationships. She wants to put upon others that both partners are seen as equal, so this will eventually allow women to be more independent and self-fulfilling.

Education-                                                                                                                                                    The method, necessity, and extent of educating housewives has been debated since at least the 20th century.

By country- Female labor force participation rate, ages 15-64 (World Bank/ILO, 2019)

In China-                                                                                                                                                      In imperial China (excluding periods of the Tang dynasty), women were bound to homemaking by the doctrines of Confucianism and cultural norms. Generally, girls did not attend school and, therefore, spent the day doing household chores (for example, cooking and cleaning) with their mothers and female relatives. In most cases, the husband was alive and able to work, so the wife was almost always forbidden to take a job and mainly spent her days at home or doing other domestic tasks. As Confucianism spread across East Asia, this social norm was also observed in Korea, Japan and Vietnam. As foot binding became common after the Song dynasty, many women lost the ability to work outside.

After the founding of the Republic of China in 1911, these norms were gradually loosened and many women were able to enter the workforce. Shortly thereafter, a growing number of females began to be permitted to attend schools. Starting with the rule of the People's Republic of China in 1949, all women were freed from compulsory family roles. During the Great Leap Forward and Cultural Revolution, some women even worked in fields that were traditionally reserved for males.

In modern China, housewives are no longer as common, especially in the largest cities and other urban areas. Many modern women work simply because one person's income is insufficient to support the family, a decision made easier by the fact that it is common for Chinese grandparents to watch after their grandchildren until they are old enough to go to school. Nonetheless, the number of Chinese housewives has been steadily rising in recent years as China's economy expands.

In India-                                                                                                                                                        In a traditional Hindu family, the head of the family is the Griha Swami (Lord of the House) and his wife is the Griha Swamini (Lady of the House). The Sanskrit words Grihast and Grihasta perhaps come closest to describing the entire gamut of activities and roles undertaken by the homemaker. Grih is the Sanskrit root for house or home; Grihasta and Grihast are derivatives of this root, as is Grihastya. The couple lives in the state called Grihastashram or family system and together they nurture the family and help its members (both young and old) through the travails of life. The woman who increments the family tree (bears children) and protects those children is described as the Grihalakshmi (the wealth of the house) and Grihashoba (the glory of the house). The elders of the family are known as Grihshreshta. The husband or wife may engage in countless other activities which may be social, religious, political or economic in nature for the ultimate welfare of the family and society. However, their unified status as joint householders is the nucleus from within which they operate in society. 

The traditional status of a woman as a homemaker anchors them in society and provides meaning to their activities within the social, religious, political and economic framework of their world. However, as India undergoes modernisation, many women are in employment, particularly in the larger cities such as Mumbai, Delhi, Kolkata, Chennai, Hyderabad and Bangalore, where most women will work. The role of the male homemaker is not traditional in India, but it is socially accepted in urban areas. According to one sociologist's study in 2006, twelve percent of unmarried Indian men would consider being a homemaker according to a survey conducted by Business Today. One sociologist, Sushma Tulzhapurkar, called this a shift in Indian society, saying that a decade ago, "it was an unheard concept and not to mention socially unacceptable for men to give up their jobs and remain at home." However, only 22.7 percent of Indian women are part of the labor force, compared to 51.6 percent of men; thus, women are more likely to be caregivers because most do not work outside the home.

Mahila Shakti Samajik Samiti is a women's society composed mainly of housewives.[20] Sadhna Sinha is current president of the samiti.

In North Korea-                                                                                                                                            Until around 1990, the North Korean government required every able-bodied male to be employed by some state enterprise. However, some 30% of married women of working age were allowed to stay at home as full-time housewives. In the early 1990s, after an estimated 900,000-3,500,000 people perished in the North Korean famine, the old system began to fall apart. In some cases women began by selling homemade food or household items they could do without. Today at least three-quarters of North Korean market vendors are women. A joke making the rounds in Pyongyang goes: 'What do a husband and a pet dog have in common?' Answer: 'Neither works nor earns money, but both are cute, stay at home and can scare away burglars.'

In Sweden-                                                                                                                                                    The term hemmafru ('housewife') emerged in the 1920s, when it was used in contrast to yrkeskvinna, 'professional woman'. Between 1930 and 1960, the number of housewives in Sweden increased from 930,000 to 1,148,000. This development was linked to the transition from an agrarian to an industrial society. From the 1930s onwards, the number of people employed in agriculture declined, and more and more people moved from rural areas to the cities. At the same time, the number of married couples increased. More and more people, mainly men, were earning a living outside the household, primarily through wage employment in industry. Women became housewives, with special responsibility for children.

A lyxhustru ('luxury or pampered wife') was a housewife, that didn't do any work at home, but rather let hired people cook, clean, take care of the children, and so on. Common in the upper class, rarely seen today.

A housewife by a Wascator laundry machine. A common attitude was to accept the gender roles of the time as self-evident, but to advocate different kinds of improvements for women working at home. More radical people argued that the housewife was trapped in her economic dependence on her husband, that it was unfair that she was not paid for her work and that she was deprived of opportunities to stimulate and develop her abilities. They argued that the housewife, the woman, was seen as a person without her own understanding and capacity and was prevented from participating in society at large.

In the early 1960s, there were lively discussions about the role of women in society, their right to education and work, and their importance in raising children and the family. In an influential 1961 article entitled Kvinnans villkorliga frigivning, Eva Moberg, one of the most influential commentators, described the idea of the stay-at-home wife as an outmoded remnant of peasant society.

Moberg pushed for political reforms to improve women's conditions in order to liberate women. By working professionally, women's identity would change. She would become economically independent, which would also liberate men from the traditional male role.

Another debater, Monica Boëthius, described the fact that many women did not work as economically indefensible. In a book of debates, Boëthius posed the question "Can we afford wives?" Women, Boëthius argued, represented an underutilized reserve of labor that, if tapped, could significantly increase the purchasing power and standard of living of households. Boëthius built on the ideas of the economist Per Holmberg, as expressed in the book Kynne eller kön? in 1966.

From the late 1960s onwards, the number of housewives steadily declined. Many took paid work in schools, health, and social care as the public sector expanded. More than 500,000 housewives entered the workforce between the late 1960s and early 1980s. Between 1968 and 1970 alone, the number of newly employed women in Sweden increased by 100,000 each year.

A combination of labour demand and gender equality concerns led to several policy reforms that made it easier for women to work and for families to care for their children together. In the 1930s and 1940s, nine out of ten Swedish children had a mother who worked at home while they were growing up; by the 1980s, fewer than one in ten children had a mother who was a housewife until they turned 16. However, women with children up to pre-school age generally continued to work at home until subsidized daycare was introduced on a larger scale from around the mid-1970s.

Developments from 1960 onwards were very much a result of government action. Women's entry into the labour market was encouraged by the abolition of joint taxation and the expansion of childcare facilities. Joint taxation of spouses was abolished in 1971. The report of the so-called "childcare inquiry" on pre-school education in 1972 was the starting point for the expansion of public childcare in the early years. By the end of the 1970s, 350,000 children had been enrolled in daycare centers. The fact that women were gainfully employed was described by leading commentators as a win-win situation for children too. The idea was that children had more difficulty developing independence if they spent their days in an overprotected home environment than if they were in a daycare center with qualified staff.

The reformers were opposed by more conservative groups, who believed that women's role was to look after the home, bring up children and support the working man. One organization that sought to raise public opinion against the reforms was Rädda familjen, 'Save the Family'. It began its work in January 1970, protesting what it saw as an attempt to dismantle the structure of the family through Marxist reforms. In the 1970 petition campaign, Rädda familjen collected 63,000 signatures to which it attached its letter of protest against the family policy reform proposals. The organization published books of debate in polemics with reform advocates during the early 1970s.

One of the group's leading figures was Brita Nordström. Nordström rejected the idea that gender roles are learned behaviours and argued that women's role as housewives was natural. While the woman was the emotional leader of the family, the one who instilled harmony and stability, the man's job was to provide and defend and to establish the family's position in society. Psychologist Kristina Humble was another leading figure in the movement. In a chapter of the debate book Rätt till familjeliv 'The Right to Family Life', Humble argued that the housewife's desire for paid employment was based on naive demands for the satisfaction of desire. She argued that differences in gender roles were caused by genetic differences, through which men were more predisposed to struggle and self-assertion. Humble paid particular attention to the plight of children as more women entered the workforce, and argued against the expansion of public childcare, believing that staying in daycare would cause an increase in juvenile delinquency and mental illness among children.

In today's Sweden, where most women are educated and gainfully employed, there is seldom talk about being a housewife without being on parental leave (or maternity leave, and for men, paternity leave). During this period, parents receive financial compensation through the parental insurance program . Traditional housewives are now quite rare in Sweden.

In the United Kingdom- 15th-17th centuries. An example of a person described as a "house wife" can be seen in a record of 1452, where Elizabeth Banham of Dunstable, Beds, is thus described.

In Great Britain, the lives of housewives of the 17th century consisted of separate, distinct roles for males and females within the home. Typically, men's work consisted of one specific task, such as ploughing. While men had a sole duty, women were responsible for various, timely tasks, such as milking cows, clothing production, cooking, baking, housekeeping, childcare, and so on. Women faced the responsibility not only of domestic duties and childcare, but agricultural production. Due to their long list of responsibilities, females faced long work days with little to no sleep at busy times of year. Their work is described as, "the housewife's tasks 'have never an end', combining a daily cycle with seasonal work".

19th-20th centuries-British Housewives' League. In 1911, 90% of wives were not employed in the work force. Ann Oakley, author of Woman's Work: The Housewife, Past, and Present, describes the role of a 19th-century housewife as "a demeaning one, consisting of monotonous, fragmented work which brought no financial remuneration, let alone any recognition." As a middle class housewife, typical duties consisted of organizing and maintaining a home that emphasized the male breadwinner's financial success. Throughout this time period, the role of the housewife was not only accepted in society, but a sought-after desire. Eventually, women, due to the difficulty and consuming nature of these tasks, began to focus solely on one profession. By focusing on a particular niche, women spent more time outside of the home, where they could flourish independently.

As a housewife in the United Kingdom, females were encouraged to be precise and systematic when following duties. In 1869, R. K. Phillip published a household manual, titled, The Reason Why: The Domestic Science. The manual taught women how to perform certain duties, as well as the necessity behind their household chores. Cookbooks and manuals provided exact measurements and instructions for baking and cooking, written in an eloquent manner. Complicated recipes required a knowledge of math – arithmetic, fractions, and ratios. Cookbooks and household manuals were written for women, therefore, eliminating the idea of men participating in domestic duties.

In most cases, women chose to work in the home. Work outside of the home was deemed unattractive, difficult, and daunting. Since the female was heavily involved with her children and domestic duties, certain risks were associated with a woman's absence. For example, a life in the labor force doubled a women's average workload. Not only was she expected to financially provide, but she was fully responsible for caring and raising her children. If the mother chose to work, child care costs began to add up, therefore, decreasing the incentives for the woman to hold a demanding job. If a working mother could not afford to pay for child care, this often resulted in her appointing her older children to act as the younger children's caretakers. While this was financially efficient, it was looked down upon by society and other housewives. In this time period, many believed that younger children were at risk for injuries or other physical harm if cared for by older siblings.

Within this time period, women became involved with consumer politics, through organizations such as the Co-operative Union. Organizations allowed women to get involved, as well as develop an understanding of feminism. In 1833, the Women's Co-operative Union was established. Margaret Llewelyn Davies, one of the organization's key female leaders, spoke out on topics regarding divorce, maternity benefits, and birth control. Similarly, Clementina Black helped establish a consumer's league, which attempted to boycott organizations that did not pay women fair wages. Compared to earlier centuries, women found a voice in politics and began understanding the concept of feminism. Instead of focusing purely on household and childcare duties, women slowly merged into the public sector of society.

Part of the housework of a London housewife, 1941. In recent years, accompanied by the respect of housewives, the UK is paying more attention to the value created by housewife. According to the Office for National Statistics (ONS), childcare accounts for 61.5% of unpaid work's value at home, the rest includes 16.1% in transport, 9,7% in providing and maintaining a home, others in giving care to adults, the preparation of meals as well as clothing and laundry. The total unpaid work at home was valued at £38,162 per UK household in 2014, according to ONS.

In the United States-                                                                                                                                    Good Housekeeping (American magazine), 1908 Tetrapak advertisement depicting a housewife as a selector and consumer of products, circa 1950

In 1978, half of married women in the United States continued to work after having children. By 1997, this figure had risen to 61%. The number of stay-at-home mothers increased in the 2000s. As average incomes declined during the Great Recession, the need for two additional incomes increased, and the proportion of married American women who continued to work after having children increased to 69% by 2009. According to the Pew Research Center, as of 2014, one in four mothers in the United States was a stay-at-home mother.

Housewives in America were typical in the middle of the 20th century among middle-class and upper-class white families. Black families, recent immigrants, and other minority groups tended not to benefit from the union wages, government policies, and other factors that led to white wives being able to stay at home during these decades.

A Minnesotan housewife in the kitchen of her mobile home, 1974                                                            In 2005 study estimated that 31% of working mothers leave the workplace for an average of 2.2 years, most often precipitated by the birth of the second child. This gives her time to concentrate full-time on child-rearing and to avoid the high cost of childcare, particularly through the early years (before school begins at age five). There is considerable variability within the stay-at-home mother population with regard to their intent to return to the paid workforce. Some plan to work from their homes, some will do part-time work, some intend to return to part- or full-time work when their children have reached school age, some may increase their skill sets by returning to higher education, and others may find it financially feasible to refrain from entering (or re-entering) the paid workforce. Research has linked feelings of "maternal guilt and separation anxiety" to returning to the workforce.

Similarly, there is considerable variation in the stay-at-home mother's attitude towards domestic work not related to caring for children. Some may embrace a traditional role of housewife by cooking and cleaning in addition to caring for children. Others see their primary role as that of childcare providers, supporting their children's physical, intellectual, emotional, and spiritual development while sharing or outsourcing other aspects of caring for the home.

History-                                                                                                                                                      Although men have generally been thought of as the primary or sole breadwinners for families in recent history, the division of labor between men and women in traditional societies required both genders to take an active role in obtaining resources outside the domestic sphere. Prior to agriculture and animal husbandry, reliable food sources were a scarce commodity. To achieve optimal nutrition during this time, it was imperative that both men and women focus their energies on hunting and gathering as many edible foods as possible to sustain themselves on a daily basis. Lacking the technologies necessary to store and preserve food, it was critical for men and women to seek out and obtain fresh food sources almost continuously. These nomadic tribes used gender differences to their advantage, allowing men and women to use their complementary adaptations and survival strategies to find the most diverse and nutritionally complete foods available. For example, in the context of daily foraging, childcare itself was not a hindrance to women's productivity; rather, performing this task with her children both increased the overall efficiency of the activity, and functioned as an important hands-on lesson in survival skills for each child. By sharing the burden of daily sustenance – and developing specialized gender niches – humans not only ensured their continued survival, but also paved the way for later technologies to evolve and grow through experience.

Child Praying at Mother's Knee, a drawing by Pierre-Édouard Frère, 1864

In the 19th century, more and more women in industrialising countries stopped being homemakers and farm wives and began to undertake paid work in various industries outside the home and away from the family farm, in addition to the work they did at home. At this time many big factories were set up, first in England, then in other European countries and the United States. Many thousands of young women went to work in factories; most factories employed women in roles different from those occupied by men. There were also women who worked at home for low wages while caring for their children at the same time.

Being a housewife was only realistic among middle-class and upper-class families. In working-class families, it was typical for women to work. In the 19th century, a third to half of married women in England were recorded in the census as working for outside pay, and some historians believe this to be an undercount. Among married couples that could afford it, the wife often managed the housework, gardening, cooking, and children without working outside the home. Women were often very proud to be a good homemaker and have their house and children respectably taken care of. Other women, like Florence Nightingale, pursued non-factory professions even though they were wealthy enough not to need the income. Some professions open to women were also restricted to unmarried women.

In the early 20th century, both world wars (World War I, 1914–18; and World War II, 1939–45) were fought by the men of many countries. While the men were at war, many of their womenfolk went to work outside the home to keep the countries running. Women, who were also homemakers, worked in factories, businesses and farms. At the end of both wars, many men had died, and others returned injured. Some men were able to return to their previous positions, but some women stayed in the workforce as well. In addition to this surge in women entering the workforce, convenience food and domestic technology were also rising in popularity, both of which saved women time that they may have spent performing domestic tasks and enabled them to instead pursue other interests.

A woman cooks, supervised by a teacher, in a domestic economy institute in Stockholm, Sweden. (1950)

The governments of communist countries in the early and middle 20th century, such as the Soviet Union, Cuba and China, encouraged married women to keep working after giving birth. There were very few housewives in communist countries until free market economic reform in the 1990s, which led to a resurgence in the number of housewives. Conversely, in the Western World of the 1950s, many women quit their jobs to be housewives after giving birth. Only 11% of married women in the US kept working after giving birth.

In the 1960s in western countries, it was becoming more accepted for a woman to work until she got married, when it was a widely held belief that she should stop work and become a housewife. Many women believed that this was not treating men and women equally and that women should do whatever jobs they were able to do, whether they were married or not.

The Feminine Mystique, a 1963 book by Betty Friedan which is widely credited with sparking the beginning of second-wave feminism in the US, discussed, among other things, the lives of housewives from around the US who were unhappy despite living in material comfort and being married with children. In the 1950s, American society strongly encouraged women to become housewives, suggesting that true happiness came from taking care of the home and family. Most women were expected to marry young—around age 20—and spend their lives supporting their husbands and raising children. Their main responsibilities included shopping, cleaning, and caring for kids, while also helping their husbands succeed in school or work. Being a housewife was seen as part of the "American Dream," and many women aimed to create the perfect family life. However, not all women felt happy in this role. Writer Betty Friedan talked to many housewives across the country and found that many of them felt empty or unfulfilled. 

In her book The Feminine Mystique, she explained how some women tried to ignore these feelings by staying busy with more chores or having more children. Some people believe this unhappiness came from a lack of opportunities for education and careers. The idea that housewives had an easy life was also challenged. In reality, many women felt stressed and tired from the demands of housework, a condition sometimes called "housewife’s fatigue". At this time, many women were becoming more educated. As a result of this increased education, some women were able to earn more than their husbands. In very rare cases, the husband would remain at home to raise their young children while the wife worked. In 1964, a US stamp was issued honoring homemakers for the 50th anniversary of the Smith-Lever Act.

In the late 20th century, in many countries, it became harder for a family to live on a single wage. Subsequently, many women were required to return to work following the birth of their children. However, the number of male homemakers began gradually increasing in the late 20th century, especially in developed Western nations. In 2010, the number of male homemakers in the US had reached its highest point: 2.2 million. Though the male role is subject to many stereotypes, and men may have difficulties accessing parenting benefits, communities, and services targeted at mothers, it became more socially acceptable by the 2000s. The male homemaker was more regularly portrayed in the media by the 2000s, especially in the US. However, in some regions of the world, the male homemaker remains a culturally unacceptable role.